• Filles

    Photo de gros cul escort girl carpentras

    photo de gros cul escort girl carpentras

    Georgen im Attergau St. Georgen ob Murau St. Hilaire de Riez St. Jakob im Defereg St. Jakob im Rosental St. Jakob in Defereggen St. Jakob in Defreggen St. Johann am Tauern St. Johann im Ahrnta St. Johann im Ahrntal St. Johann im Pongau St. Johann in der Haide St. Johann in Tirol St. Julian's Stj 02 St.

    Kanzian am Klopeiner St. Kathrein am Offenegg St. Leonard im Pitzt St. Leonhard im Pitz St. Leonhard im Pitztal St. Leonhard in Passeier St.

    Margarethen im Lungau St. Maria di Leuca St. Martin am Grimming St. Martin am Tennengebirge St. Martin bei Lofer St. Martin im Sulmtal St. Martin in Passei St. Martin in Passeier St. Michael im Lungau St. The Parisian Jews' share was fifty-three hundred pounds.

    On this occasion, an accusation of poisoning is mentioned -- poisoning, and not at alI Lady Sancia's fanaticism. Ibn Verga put together events that actualIy happened but which were unrelated to each other. Eliezer Birnbaum' s artide note 3 above. Another manuscript concerning the public fast in Rome in is preserved, as stated above, in the Bodleian Library, OxE,ord.

    Rere we are in somewhat better shape due to the bullarium published recently by our friend Shlomo Simonsohn Already Leon Bardinet knew about this partial expuIsion and attributed it to a concentration of great numbers of Jews, expelled from France, in the Comtat". The Simonsohn documents permit us to have a c10ser look at these events. Most documents were written ten years or more after the death of Pope John XXII in , and they testify that Jews were expelled from the Comtat by him.

    The archives, which yield less than one dozen buIls to this effect, mention only three localities: Carpentras, Bédarrides, and Chateauneuf. No decree of expulsion has been discovered, and in order to determine the possible reason behind the Pontiff's fury, we must depart from the chronological order of Simonsohn' s Bullarium and start with the small community of Chateauneuf.

    Eight years later, another Papal bull suggests that the Jews were stilI not back in Chàteauneuf40 36 Cfr.

    Reference will be given to the number of the document referred to and to the pages in which it is transcribed. I Studies and Texts No.

    However, we recall that Pope John XXII was very much concerned with the economic well-being of converts to Christianity"', and that he did combat the study of the Talmud, ordering the confiscation and burning of its copies, in which he saw the source of ali Jewish error"2 While it is not explicitly mentioned that the Jews of Bédarrides and especially Carpentras were expelled for the same reason, it is quite possible that this was the case.

    For Bédarrides we have the oldest document, issued on February 20, By then, the expulsion was a fait accampli, the synagogue razed and the Pope ensuring that a chape! We cannot be absolute! John himself is not known for any further persecution of the Jews. His successors showed themse!

    In fact, the Comtat Venaissin continued to serve as haven to Jews for hundreds of years, well after it was sold in to France. Il Ghetto di Roma. STOW, La stonografia del ghetto romano. Problemi metodologici, in M. Malgrado tali comprensibili inquietudini mi sono accinto a ripercorrere l'esame delle fonti studiate in precedenza con l'intento precipuo di ricavarne una definizione topografica e soprattutto architettonica, scartando a priori il proposito di prendere in esame le altre zone che sappiamo aver ospitato insediamenti ebraici, quale quella in Trastevere, presso la chiesa di S.

    Peraltro gli insediamenti ebraici in Trastevere nel corso del XV secolo, di cui si ha notizia attraverso gli studi. Uso e trasformazione della città storica, Venezia, Marsilio, , pp. Gli ebrei a Roma tra Quattro e Cinquecento, cit.

    Parimenti anche l'esame delle carte dell'archivio del monastero di S. Assumendo come base di partenza la nota pianta di Bartolomeo De Rocchi, datata al circa, fig. The roman census oj , Roma, Bulzoni Devo questo e molti altri preziosi suggerimenti alla cortesia e alla competenza di Isa Sanfilippo che ringrazio con affetto. Si notano moltre rIportatI 1 condot: Le adduzioni principali sono. Angelo in Pesc heria e il ponte Quattro ;. Frequenti sono, infatti, le notazioni del tipo: La presente porzione di tassa costituisce la quantità di quadrate canne Nel Rione Regola l'aggregato di case medioevali accanto alla chiesa di S.

    Paolo e quelle fra via della Mortella e via di S. L'apertura di via Arenula fig. La zona archeologica di Roma: Architettura e città, Venezia, Marsilio, , passim e la relativa bibliografia.

    E a tale proposito devo ricordare come un altro settore di indagine di particolare interesse risieda nello studio dei rilievi di campagna effettuati nel in varie zone di Roma e anche nel Ghetto dall' armata francese fig. Pubblicato da Leonardo Benevolo nel suo libro 25 A. I rilievi della consistenza edilizia svolti per la preparazione del plastico, finora inediti, risultano estremamente precisi e dettagliati e riportano anche i prospetti degli edifici sui lati interni, verso i cortili, oltre che verso strada.

    Di qui in avanti non è più la storia delle trasformazioni edilizie' ma , storia delle distruzioni. Sicché il 24 marzo il Consiglio comunale delibera di demolire lo sconcio agglomerato di case per bonificarlo con adeguate reti di fognature, dando aria e luce attraverso l'apertura di nuove strade, titolando al Progresso una delle principali arterie aperte nel Ghetto storic02'.

    In realtà la zona centrale del Ghetto è stata devastata da corrive costruzioni, quali ad esempio l'edificio scolastico innalzato nel 1 9 10 al posto dei caratteristici ambienti di piazza delle Scole e piazza della Rua, mentre, lungo le sponde del Tevere, dove in un primo tempo dovevano sorgere edifici porticati, con apposita delibera del , l'Amministrazione comunale decide di vendere le aree residue ai privati per edificarvi villini signorili'".

    This edition is unfortunately very inco plete. The responsa are not numbered and this makes l't l'mpOSSI'ble ' to ascertam ' th' elr orlgm " al number. Since Friedliinder' s edition, the manuscript has been described in detail by the author of the catalogue of the Hebrew manuscripts of the Viennese? According to him it contains responsa, but it should be made dear that there are at least five Hiddushim,4 lO responsa which do not belong to our author' and a number of Shtarot, contracts, and formularies, which cannot possibly be construed as responsa".

    Isaac Joshua of Lattes belongs to a group of scholars who Iived at different periods of their Iife in Rome and in the Comtat Venaissin. This should not come as a surprise, as the Comtat was then a part of the Apostolic State, and such interior migrations were to be expected. His grandfather, the celebrated physician Bonet de Lattes Jacob ben Immanuel of Lattes had left Provence for Rome, where he plied his trade -- he was the Pope's doctor -- while also serving as the local rabbi.

    Isaac Joshua also eventually decided to move to Rome. He nevertheless remained attached to his birthplace: He obviously returned quite often to Avignon, as we find him there in , , , and He usually dated his responsa, and mentioned the pIace where he wrote them, and this makes it possible to follow him in his ltalian wanderings.

    He was probably a rabbi, but of the wandering type, as he moved quite frequently from pIace to pIace. He most Iikely served as a teacher in well to do families. He probably also tried his hand as a businessman. This catalogue numbers the different responsa. When referring to the manuscript, the folio will be indicated.

    Some of these cantain more than on responsum. Heb 79 fa 43 vO. When did he gather his responsa in a book? Very probably in the latter part of bis life, when living in Cesena or Ferrara. He himself mentions the fact that he copied in , while in Cesena, a responsum he had originalIy written in Rome in One may welI ask whether he rewrote and updated then his responsa?

    Isaac Joshua of Lattes wrote bis first responsa in Rome between and , which would show that he was borne about thirty five years before. As he has left no responsa after , one may surmise that he died at the beginning of the seventies. AlI we can say is that we can folIow him between when we find him in Avignon -- and He was therefore active during the period which prepared the ghetto system, and during the twilight of the communities which had managed to survive before being definitely suppressed in He would then seem to have stayed in Rome between and as shown by the responsa which he wrote from this capitall2.

    He may have written them during a visit, as nothing shows that he had settled there. He probably left Rome about , as there are no responsa extant which he could have written there. Later on, in and , he will author a number of responsa in Macerata He quite probably did not return to Rome at that time and we find him active in Pesaro in and In he will write his famous responsum favouring the printing of the Zohar in a pIace calIed Fiaro or Piaro1 6 which may be a misspelling for Pesaro.

    This is alI the more likely as he wrote a number of responsa in Pesaro in and He wrote for him a halakhic essay, which is not in the nature of a responsum19 Unfortunately, it is impossible to ascertain when and for how long he stayed there.

    During , and he will write many responsa in Cesena Later on he will be active in Ferrara , where he had already made an appearance in His reputation as a Talmudist was excelIent, as can be seen by the cases submitted to him.

    It is nevertheless doubtful whether he ever received an official rabbinical appointment. He probably sat in courts, but as a Barur, a chosen, not an appointed judge. The scope of bis judgements is large, and it would be difficult to give a comprehensive view of his activities and of alI the questions asked in tbis short study. Therefore, only a few chosen thema will be considered here. One of the early responsa of Isaac Joshua ben Immanuel deals with the situation of the Roman community in , when he was requested to give judgement on the respective claims of two charitable societies: The first one maintained a teacher who taught practicalIy every day.

    In order to cover the expenses involved, the Aragonese organised a yearly appeal. For a few years they alone rendered this service to alI the Roman Spanish Jews. A few years later, the Castilians decided to do the same, and the Aragonese feared for their income, as the Castilians' appeal was to be organized only a few days before the Aragonese one. Isaac Joshua of Lattes decided that the Castilians could not be alIowed to harm the Aragonese, as these enjoyed priority. While describing and adjudging the case, he also brough some very interesting information on the community of Rome: If Fiaro is to be carrecteci ta Pesaro, acid.

    The same in the manuscript f. Some gathered in Rome and settled there. They gathered ali mixed together and prayed together. They did not feel at ease, as every one wanted to pray according to the ways of his fathers.

    They decided to separate family from family and set up many synagogues, one for the Aragonese, and one for the Castilians. There was no such tbing as Spanish Jewry, and it came into existence only about a hundred years after the expuIsion, when the different communities agreed to accept the Castilian Ieadership.

    Lattes described also the consequences of the sack of Rome in When the Lord alIowed Rome to be plundered, lsrae! The commuruties were in decline. A few remained, but most died, whether naturally, by the sword, or by starvation.

    Many went far away because of the burden of war. The synagogues did not gather a quorum of ten for prayer or learning. Many synagogues were destroyed, and they were compelled to merge, family into family. Thus, the Aragone se joined with the Castilians, the Catalans and the French25 Prayers were eventualIy said according to, the Castilian rite, as the Frenchmen were too few to be taken into account.

    Thus they went on with their custom, without changing their habits and their usage. The Aragonese kept their usage26 as before. The younger Castilian generation did not want this situation to be maintained, and t'hey decided to compete with the Aragonese. They said that the FrenchJews, "who are with us and who did not make an agreement with you, would set up the new system: They were no more independent and could therefore not take sueh an initiative.

    As has already been pointed out, lsaae of Lattes sided with the Aragonese. His reader, who has been brought up IO the tradltlOn of high standards of medievaI Jewish married life, may be u: In an undated and unloeated responsum which, it would seem, lsaae of Lattes wrote in Rome, the ease is reported of a woman who had been aceused by two witnesses of having performed an "ugly aet": In bis answer he eompIained about these women of ili repute "who fear divoree more than they fear the Lord and go on trespassing in seerecy28 " In another responsum2', dated Rome, 15 of Marzo , that is lsaae of Lattes often uses the Italian name of the month, while keeping the Jewish eount of the year -- he tells about the adul: He had overpowered one of his maiden daughters, who w,,: He had come to her and she had become unbeconungly pregnant.

    He then ran away from his wrong-doing, eigned piety and dissimulated his infamy. Nobody pald any attenuon to him [when he carne here] and we were the only ones to take pity on him, because we saw him in his nakedness and in his want. We brought him to our house and greeted him, as we thought him more precious than pearls.

    But he is an evil man They dld thelt evil doing during a lengthy periodo Nobody saw it or paid any attention This evil man left his bed at midnight and went to the room of the adulteress, in order to sIeep with her in her bed, and to sin with her She got up to see what was that noise in the room of her daughter-in-bw, and she saw the adulterer reclining with the adulteress.

    Exiles from Provence, or earlier refugees from France? In the meaning Jewish banking had at the time. This was rather a contractual promise of marriage than a proper engagement. I thought everythmg was In order and that this man had come to this toam with pure intentions. But my mother, because of her prudishness, felt badly and was Incensed.

    She spoke with this man: Nobody was awake or listened: It would be a sin to God and to you. You have always been Iike a father to me! I did not listen to her, because I suspected her af being jealous: Everybody was already speaking about this matter, when our old father carne back from Genoa.

    He was intent on preserving the famil! He a1so Ieared that the woman rnight convert to , Chnstlamty. ThlS man was evil, and he knew very well our business: He also feared that she may estrange from me the first child she had borne far me. Therefore, my father decided to be very friendly with the adulterer He eventually called him and told him: Have you not heard from the land of the hart, from Palestine, that the Lord has remembered His people and that they go from SUCcess to success"?

    Why should I go on with this bank ; which will become less and less successful? Let us selI it to one of the Jew who have been expelled from Naples36, [who will buy it] on condition that we give him quarters in our home". They, too, especialIy Sabatino, have seen some ugly things.

    He saw them sitting together in the hall leading to the upper rooms. She was crying and scratching her face because he had to go. He too was crying, because he had to leave his be! It was dark and they did not suspect that some body was watching them in the room. This man had to leave the house, but they did not refrain from their evil conduct. The aHair did not stop, as they found gohetweens. This woman had a Jewish maid-servant from Rome, and she used to send her to the 34 35 36 37 Guinia in the text printed and manuscript.

    Probably an allusion to the contemporary surge af the Safed community. A partial expulsion had taken pIace befare, between Probably a physician. At the agreed hour, the paramour in order to agree upon a meet house of a Christian woman where adulteress left her house and went to the his house, and to meet her when she met her lover. The man used to leave for study. He met her in the house all the Jews gathered in the synagogue He was eventually discovered, when of this Christian woman -- a prostituteween.

    She confessed that the lovers he tried to give a reward to the gobet husband was finally convinced that had met on a number of occasions. The to know whether he should divoree he had been betrayed. He now wanted account of her conduct, and if her, whether she had lost her dowry on birth, was a bastard or noto the second child to whom she had given by Isaac of Lattes, could It cannot be denied that this episode, as told s, which have been reported easily be compared with many paralle!

    Isaac This is not the only case where marital misconduct and in the same Rome, a man of Lattes informs us that in the same year itted adultery with a married called Ruben had been suspected of having comm but no tangible evidence woman. The husband brought her before court, on she and her husband could be adduced, and she was discharged.

    Could such a marriage agreed to a divorce, and she remarried with Ruben! Jewish usage allows, in Mediterranean countr which have followed wife who has not given birth during the ten years ing the first one. It was even honorable men to marry a second wife in order to expressed himself in more diHicult for the poor to do so. One can understand that Jewish society was deeply same values. EIsewhere Isaac of Lattes mention s the case of Abraham Tripoles e probably from the Lybian ripoli , who was engaged to Mattuck's daug hter.

    When interrog ated , she sald that Abraham was the guilty party. H wanted to repu diat e her, but she did not agree: Isaac of Lattes also reported the case of a Roman Coh en that is a n an desce ded from the priestly family, who had married: They had numerous children, whose status was now questlOned, as such a marriag e was contrary to Jewish law In order.

    Is it accldental or should we accept the fact that the Roman Jewish com. Were these Jews Renaissance men? Jewlsh banking is also mentioned more than once in bis responsa.

    He speaks about a bank, which, despite the permit given to its owner, remained inactive for eight or nine years Other banks knew other difficulties. David of Sicily had lodged a complaint against the twenty bankers working at the time in Rome.

    He maintained that he should be one of them, as he was the inheritor of bis father, who had been a member of the originai twenty. He had asked to succeed hirn, but had been rebuffed. Isaac of Lattes was chosen as an arbitrator and began to study the case. He went to great lengths in order to obtain a document wbich would explain the workings of the bankers' privilege.

    This was of course written in Italian and this makes it alI the more interesting that he should have copied a few Iines of tbis text in Latin script in the very middle of bis Hebrew responsum: Me confesso haver liberato e confesso el mio Ieco etc et provieto mai pro nullo tempo godere ne far godere il sopra ditto 10eo anti lo remonto da mo et eedalo a li ditti vinti.

    He ruled that they would have rights in this partnership proportionally to their investment48 He also examined the difficulties resulting from competition between established and freelance banking.

    It happened that Ruben was in possession of a banking privilege -. Shimon, who Iived in a village five miles away, used to come to town and to extend loans against written documents. He took a lower interest than Ruben's bank, which extended loans only against pawns.

    The shop is obviously the bank. This incident -- a ritual murder libel? There can be no doubt that these specific accounts add to a better understanding of the workings and problems of Jewish banking.

    They maintained that as taxpayers, they should enjoy equal rights. They announced their ible, to buy a building which would serve as a synagogue and, if imposs l: There they rented a return to d alIowe were sold their synagogue. Trouble began when they set up to their former homes. The first one was given to a Bahura, an unmar 56 In In both cases he made clear what he expected from them and especially insisted on their duty to review once a month all the laws pertaining to ritual slaugbtering".

    How should this rather remarkable step -- ritual sIaughtering is generally looked upon as a masculine prerogative -- be understood? The last sign of an ancient tradition? Isaac of Lattes was also consulted on specific problems dealing with Marranos, who had recently escaped from Portugal. The first case Macerata ? Later on her husband disappeared and it was suspected that he had drowned.

    The woman then returned publicly to Judaism. She married a full-fledged Jew, as she was convinced that her former marriage was void. She was married with a Marrano who didn't foIlow her example, as he was intent on visiting the peninsula for his business.

    He had disappeared on one of his trips and his wife wanted to know whether she could remarry68 One may weIl ask why such a question had to be sent as far away as Fez and why it haci remained unanswered in Italy.

    It is quite possible that the woman involved belonged to one of the most prominent famllies of Spanish Jewry who had settled in Italy and that no local rabbi wanted to deal with such a delicate problem. Isaac of Lattes also discussed the problem of a rabbi who had been deposed on account of his misconduct. He was reinstated later on, but the problem did not end with this, as bis proponents kept the documents pertaining to his deposition, and could stiII make bis shame public.

    Italia Judaica VI What ne the trIals reveal. In questo senso, si facilmente com rendere come U? N aturalmente occorre tenere con to del f att o h c e sempre una storia di devianza2, dal momento che SI. La serie documentaria sulla quale si è svolta la mia ricerca è quella dei "Processi" del Tribunale criminale del governatore, che si presenta - caso abbastanza raro per questa tipologia di fonti - in modo continuativo a partire dagli inizi del XVI secolo, con le ovvie lacune riferite al periodo del Sacco.

    Ma, come poi vedremo proprio in uno dei casi che ho esaminato, si tratta di lacune non sempre incolmabili. Dei tre Tribunali contemporaneamente operanti a Roma in quel tempo Senatore, Vicario e Governatore , quest'ultimo si configurava come una sorta di tribunale d'appello" ma anche di primo grado per cause civili del valore non superiore a cinque scudi e, in materia criminale, esercitava un diritto di prevenzione su tutti gli altri tribunali di Roma; in più, qualsiasi reato commesso in un raggio di 40 miglia intorno alla città poteva essere di sua competenza.

    La descrizione del fondo è qui deliberatamente sintetica: III, Roma , p. Naturalmen te tutti innocenti inclusi sono molto cauti nel rispondere. Un'ultima cosa, prima di venire al dun que e affrontare i processi ad ebrei romani da me reperiti nel corso di que sta ricerca: In entrambi gli studi emergevano due elementi fondamentali: Il puro e semplice dato quantitativo, se confrontato con il numero de;. In realtà questi dati s?

    Il primo si svolge fra febbraio e aprile del 1". Cohen ha analizzato le implicazioni antropologiche e pSicologiche 9 Ibid. Ma vemamo a s ona.

    Angelo ' la locan a dell Orso; glovani costi. Incontrano ' a loro. A questo punto' non e dato sapere per lmzlatlVa chi ognuno darà poi la coIpa all'altro scatta Ia burla, neIl s: Trovano pero soIo un servItore. Sulla via del ritorno seu: La causa tra n. LbI'd , Interrogatori del febbraio 19, 2 , 10 , 14 15 Ibid. E uso di forme giudeo-romane finché non si ricorre ola d'ordine che guidati,- reti "non dabara" sembra la par centi e smemorati nianza dei giovani imputa alla tortura la testimo su quegli avvenimenti.

    Dattilo riesce a fuggire dal Campidoglio, Ma la storia non fini o qualcuno. Ripreso in aprile, viene nuovamente si sospetta, per aver corrott sata di aver favorito re Caradona di Rieti, accuietà interrogato e, con lui,la mad , prevalentemente la fuga.

    Ma Caradona non si fida e lo fa andare fuori Roma, a nascondersi e qui è un altro elemento interess ante presso certi "bufalari" che erano amici del padre, ora morto, di Dat tilo. Allo stesso temp o, non sembrano apparire in questo caso.

    Stow h p ghett Di tutt'altro tenore il secondo processo, registrato nel. L lntero proced'lmento è. STOW, Delitto e castigo,. I primi due becchini al tempo del Sacco affermano.

    Lazzaro da V'Iterbo era stato Incaricato, circa nel ' a suocero trasferI. Bologna' , Fioruccia, che in un primo osta a tortura ritratta to tutto quanto dichiarato da Iacob Sforno, sottop re dal fattore degli Sforno; ogni cosa e dice di essere stata convinta a menti hanno fatto i suoi figli". Dopo Fioruccia, anche Abram a ma poi la riconferma, testimonianza, dopo essere stato sottoposto a tortur corda. Italia fudaica VI Micaela Procaccia 92 to è del 12 luglio.

    Il mutamento della situazione è palpabile: Quello che era sembrato il sostegno quasi unanime delle testimonianze degli ebrei romani tranne il solo Sabato alla tesi degli Sforno, si sfalda e si incrina. L'orizzonte della comunità ebraica romana è in rapido mutamento ed i punti di riferimento sociali e culturali si fanno incerti. Nel campo del commercio il ruolo tradizion. Anche per l'elemento linguistico vediamo ora, su un piano diacronico, l'importanza della mediazione dai due punti di vista, quello del contributo verso l'esterno e quello del contributo all'interno della comunità ebraica.

    Il ruolo di mediatori esplicato dagli ebrei verso l'esterno è un ruolo non intenzionale. Il primo singolarissimo vantaggio dei testi giudeo-italiani è naturalmente quello della "scrittura fonetica", poiché i vari copisti, dovendo rendere in lettere ebraiche i suoni della lingua o dei dialetti italiani, li traslitteravano discorso tutto ebraico, sfruttando un testo della società circostante per l'uso e le finalità interne della comunità ebraica.

    Ma veniamo ora all'altro campo, quello linguistico. Per spiegare ai suoi studenti espressioni difficili, usi particolari o vocaboli tecnici del Misneh Thorah, Rabbi Jehudah, nelle sue più di mille glosselO, usa dei termini che appartengono alla vita di tutti i giorni, a quella sfera di realia che raramente appare nei testi letterari.

    Sul glossario di Rabbi Jehudah v.: Queste glosse sono tuttora oggetto di un mio studio che apparirà prossimamente. Dei quattordici libri che costituiscono il totale del Misneh Thorah, soltanto i primi sei sono glossati. Il glossario, a quanto mi risulta, si è conservato in tre codici: Nella morfologia sono evidenti nella frequenza dell'uso dei plurali in -ora, in -a, nella regolarizzazione dell'uso del plurale femminile in -i, nella tendenza a regolarizzare l'uscita nominale in -e, e nell'uso abbondante di verbi composti con ad.

    Proprio il fatto che il Glossario di Jehudah Romano riflette una realtà linguistica molto antecedente, caratteristica che si manterrà poi comune e caratterizzante del gruppo ebraico nelle varie zone di residenza, lo rende prezioso al filologo della lingua e dei dialetti italiani.

    Nel manoscritto sono contenute due copie non identiche del glossario. Questo sistema ermeneutico di origine greca implicava sia un interesse per la lettera del testo che una fede nella paronomasia.

    Da un punto di vista diacronico, l'elemento di fondamentale importanza che svela l'opera di mediazione culturale all'interno del mond o ebraico è ancora una volta quello del rispetto della tradizione. Ne abbiamo già vista l'importanza poco fa analizzando i fattori che hanno permesso quell a che abbiamo definito "la mediazione verso l'esterno".

    Qui torno a sottolinearne l'importanza mettendo in risalto egno di Rabbi Jehudah a recuperare e mettere a disposizione dei suoil'imp studenti tutto il patrimonio della tradizione glossatrice precedente, cui egli più volte si riallaccia.

    L'influsso più dichiaratamente meridionale, già riscon nella fonetica, è largamente rappresentato anche nel lessico. Notevoletrato è anche il numero dei termini direttamente connessi col greco. Per che un esempio: La tradizione è responsabile inoltre dell'uso di alcuni vocaboli misti, con radice ebraica e desinenza e flessione volgari, ad es.: L'uso, per fedeltà alla traduzione tradizionale, sempre dello stess o voPer l'elenco completo dei lemmi cfr.

    Il verbo ebraico panah 'libera;? Pertanto di fronte al termine ebraico pnujah il glossarlO di Rabbl. Vz che giudeo-italiani, come ad es. Heqer ha-glossarjm ha-miqra'jim se! Le glosse volgari dell"Arukh dz R. Nathan ben Jehz el da Roma, dissertazione di Ph. Ma il glossario di Rabbi Jehudah ci illumina anche sulla rete di contatti fra! Anche qui porto un solo esempIO, quello della voce estobbola, che glossa l'ebro gvavah 'scarto della paglia'. Si tratta del termine swdar.

    La langue vemaculaire dans les commentaires de Raschi, in: Nel Misneh Thorah swdar, pl. In altri testi giudeo: Il sudario di Padre Cristoforol! LEVY, Contributions à la lexicographie jrançaise selon d'anciens textes d'origine fUlve, New York , n, , che propende per l'interpretazione di lincel come 'lenzuolo funebre'.

    Dur di lana perche il panno. In particolare la serie deUe delibera zioni ' o "ReformatlOne s " come veru. SI d'ff l alldena ne!: VIa neUe altre ' città dello stato. Zlamento per l' eserClZlO del prestito su pegno'. Salana con Ia VIa. In tale contesto la presenza ebra ica in Rieti per la prima parte del Sec. Si tratta di Manuele di Daniele "Judeo de Urbe" che in riconoscimento dei servizi prestati, ottiene la protezione pontificia per sé, i familiari ed i suoi beni mobili ed immobili.

    Rome, 5 August Si quis autem etc. Rome, apud Sanetum Petrum, Nonis August, anno secundo. Poiché si vuole evitare in quell'occasione l'imposizione di un prestito forzoso, vengono incaricati i Priori di trovare la somma necessaria, una parte della quale , sino a 50 fiorini, da richiedere in prestito agli ebrei. Sin dalle prime citazioni documentarie gli ebrei in Rieti sono evidenziati nelle diverse attività che caratterizzeranno la loro presenza anche negli anni successivi. In secondo luogo, i!

    VII 1 , pp. La testImoruanza c e l'attività principale: ID i ortiamo di seguito mette in luce come stabilita deflrutIvamente ttività feneratizia per i! Il totaIe de e entrate ed uscite che fori!

    Il numero degli abitanti puo essere valutato suIIa qua? Tali parametri generali vanno tenuti sempre presentI ID modo da aver opportuni riferimenti. Il già nom inato Manuele di Dam. In ' CivItate reatIn. P er avere tale conceSSIOne gli ebrei sono ten. L attuaZIone dI questa con dizione costituir'a cOme ved. Pubblic ato in Sh. Gra ' t a SerV lt1a.

    Altre clausole riguardano la vendita dei pegni, la facoltà di aprire quante botteghe vogliono ed in qualsiasi posto della città senza alcuna limitazione. A conclusione è stabilita la durata dei capitoli in dieci anni e per tale periodo gli accordi vengono garantiti contro ogni norma contraria di statuto e persino, di diritto comune.

    Una menzione merita la citazione di un altro ebreo che non fa parte del gruppo. La menzione del nome di un altro ebreo non compreso tra i soci della condotta, è i! La consuetudine suddetta è comunque frequentemente segui- 13 Ibid. Rieti soffre in questo periodo dI notevoli turbolenze e lotte interne, che appaiono chiaramente anche dalla lettura del nuovo capitolato con gli ebre i.

    Essi infatti richiedono espressamente che eventuali somme di denaro in loro possesso non possano essere tolt e, o sequestrate dal detto Comune e da! Il contenuto dei nuovi capitoli non differisce molto da quelli precedenti salvo che per alcuni punti.

    In primo luog o una particolare considerazione verso colui che appare come l'ebreo più autorevole del gruppo: Angelo tutti di Rieti. Dei precedenti prestatori del tempo di Man uele rimane nominato soltanto Elia di Musetto. La durata dei capitoli sottoscritti da Mosè e soci è anche stavolta fissata in dieci anni. Ma ben presto, tre anni dopoI6, si presenta l'esigenza di una prima modifica: Il rIferImento e eVI: Sono previste inoltre apposite pene pecumarIe. I soci superstiti, Angelo di Ventura e Ventura di Ang.

    La quarta parte di tale pena viene stabilita a favore dell' accusatore al cui giuramento dovrà farsi credito ove corrobOrato con la testimonianza di una sola persona degna di fede. Viene dato mandato ai priori e ai sei rappresentanti da essi eletti di provvedere alla redazione di norme in forma solenne da inserire nei volumi degli statuti cittadini, stabilendo sia le materie che le relative sanzioni.

    De filiis Judeorum non lacta. Sotto pena di 10 ducati sia per il gerutor e ebreo che per la nutrice cristiana. De azimis et aliis cibis Jud. Al d'I fUOtl del. La solennità delle statuizion rovate e" pOI c? Ancora nel inoltre la loro osservanza viene ribadita e corroborata da un breve di Papa Callisto HP'. L'autore è il cardinale Camerlengo Ludovico Mezzarota Scarampi ed il tenore è il seguente: Spectabilis vir amice nostro carissime post sal.

    Voi sapete la persecuzione che è stata facta ali Judei habitanti in Riete et perchè tanto con loro quanto co li altri la Santità di N. Datum Rome die XI Aprile Non sappiamo a cosa o a chi debba attribuirsi l'iniziativa per ottenere l'intervento camerale sulla sospensione dell' applicazione delle disposizioni antigiudaiche.

    II app are m di ver se cit , ta. Nel 6 SI trova a Perugia secondo To. SIa tratte a trascorrere la prima metà del f'mo ' Certo e' che nel 7 Monuto sè risulta di nuovo a Rieti in quanto il Comune avendo necessità di un medico lo nomina il 26 gen'nal.

    O d'1 queII ' anno29 scegj'lendoIo tra altri medici con la paga annua di ducati. AS RI, ril 20, c. Su proposta del governatore reatino Galeotto dopo ampia discussione, è deciso con 1 1 1 voti a favore e solo cinque contrari il divieto di fenerare e l'annullamento della concessione.

    Viene stabilito inoltre in quell'occasione di notificare e procedere all'intimazione di quanto deliberat Essi sono suo figlio Dattilo con Zia che ottengono conferma dal papa del" pnvilegl. Simile conferma vie cessa anche all' b eo se'pp lsacco, spagnolo abitante in Rieti. Si tratta di Guglielmo di Sabat; anza ;. Ventura che, "olim fenerantes" inte dono p;rtr. Rif 7, , 10 1 17, 15 , c.

    La possibilità di subentrare al contratto stipulato con i loro padri, appare per la verità alquanto anomala rispetto alla consuetudine di redarre capitoli molto dettagliati e corroborati da clausole innumerevoli. Forse è la carenza di tale consuete cautele che spinge pochi anrii dopo gli stessi prestatori a richiedere la stipula di nuovi capitoli. L'occasione è data dalla necessità per il Comune di provvedere al pagamento di un debito, per stipendi ancora insoluti, a Tradito di Canali già castellano di Montecalvo una delle rocche destinate alla difesa delle città.

    La possibilità di fenerare sotto la tutela dell'approvazione papale e nello stesso tempo l'estensione della loro attività sia temporale che territoriale, non libera gli ebrei di Rieti dalle preoccupazioni che insorgono a seguito della costante predicazione francescana.

    Monte di pietà e con l'azione de l Monte frumentano SI. È ovvio che l' due mo nti a bb lan o un lffi mediato straordinaM no Successo, con ripercuss ioni negat-Ive su11' andame nto del prestito su pegno esercitato dagli ebrei. Ne sono coscienti gr1 stessI. Si rendono perci'o conto h. Sembra poi abbia prevalso la decisione di inviare presso la Camera oratori appositamente incaricati nelle persone di due consiglieri Leonardo e Grispoldo, che avrebbero dovuto difenderla a loro spese e, in caso di vittoria, avrebbero ottenuto ducati della somma di Altro grave episodio di contrasto si ebbe verso il finire del secolo.

    Ne sono testimonianza, sia le clausole contenute nei capitoli delle varie condotte, sia le numerosissime disposizioni emanate in ogni tempo. Evidentemente questa è una delle regole meno osservata tanto che in varie occasioni il Comune nomina anche dei probiviri per la vendita dei pegni. Con il fu stipulato anzi un istrumento pubblico con il quale gli ebrei promettono e si obbligano a non portare fuori di Rieti i pegni sotto pena di 2. Emanuele dal fatto che nel giugno di quello stes.

    Tra le prime è di grande utilità A. Si segnala inoltre per l'analitico spoglio delle fonti documentarie ed in particolare delle Riformanze comunali effettuato allo scopo di illustrare un periodo di storia reatina dominata dalla famiglia degli Alfani: Risultato rilevante di una metodica ricerca effettuata negli archivi umbri sono le opere di A. Si segnalano in particolare: Una comunità ebraica nel medioevo. Bologna, Il Mulino, Qualche altra notizia su Mosè è riportata prevalentemente di seconda mano anche in Mosè da Rieti.

    Filosofia naturale e fatti di Dio testo inedito del sec. XV a cura di I. Brill Universitaire Pers Lei' den Atti del I Congresso nazionale in.

    Sermoneta per la parte israel ianto G. Miniato d trati a cura d! Di fronte alla pressoché totale assenza di fonti interne ebraiche si rivela una presenza ampia, della documentazione archivistica cosiddetta esterna costituita dalla documentazione pubblica delle istituzioni di governo e da quella privata di produzione notarile.

    L'archivio del Comune di Rieti nelle sue diverse articolazioni rappresenta indubbiamente, pur con le sue lacune, la miniera principale di notizie sulla presenza ebraica aggregatasi intorno ai banchieri detentori del prestito su pegno. Un quadro generale delle fonti archivistiche relative a Rieti è riportata ad vocem in G. Casciano , dove sono descritti sia gli archivi del Comune che quelli della Curia vescovile.

    Un utile excursus sulle istituzioni comunali è in A. VII , pp. Dello stesso autore esiste un inventario dell' antico archivio del Comune rimasto in bozze di stampa e conservato presso 1'Archivio di Stato. Per 1'Archivio segreto vaticano si rimanda alla accurata raccolta di regesti effettuata da Sh.

    Per i fondi esistenti presso l'Archivio di Stato di Roma un orientamento specie per quanto concerne l'archivio. Camera Apostolica si trova in F. Gli ebrei in Italia dalla segregazione alla prima emancipazione.

    Atti del terzo convegno internazionale, Tel Aviv giugno Roma, Ministero per i Beni culturali e ambientali, Ufficio centrale per i beni archivistici, , pp. Gli ebrei tra Rinascimento ed età barocca. Nel Camerale II, serie Ebrei, numerosi riferimenti si riferiscono alla comunità reatina, alla sua sinagoga ed alle contribuzioni dovute alla Camera apostolica.

    Riferimenti analoghi si trovano negli archivi dei Comuni limitrofi dove specie sul finire del secolo XV gli ebrei reatini estendono la loro attività feneratizia. Anno domini MOCCCCo octavo indictione prima tempore domini Gregorij pape duodecimi die XXo mensis augusti magnifici dominj ser Dominicus Cole Gregorij gonfalonerius, Johannes Antolinj, Andreas Angelutij Jacobi, Antonius Margaritij Cantapiole, Franciscus Iannis Verronj et Petronius Martini Serecchioli, domini priores populi dicte civitatis et una cum illis dominus Raynaldus de Alphanis miles, dominus Franciscus Thome Morroni legum doctor, et ser Jacobus Mathei cives Reatini assumptj per ipsos dominos priores super ordinandis capitulis et immunitatibus ac oneribus hebreorum ut supra patet, in sala inferiorj palatij habitationis dictorum dominorum convenientes et existentes in unum.

    Et nisi restitutis primo dictis centum ducatis mutuandis vel quecumque alia quantitas mutuaretur, primo restituta, non possint quandolibet gravari inquietari vel molestari ad mutuandum dicto communi Reate seu alicui nomine dicti communis aliquam quantitatem pecunie vel floreni quacumque ratione vel causa et nisi provideretur de introitu dicti communis specialiter unde prefatj hebrei possint rehabere pecuniam mutuandam prout supra dictum est.

    Item quod prefati hebrei eorumque heredes et successores teneantur solvere dativas et collectas et quelibet alia munera realia et personalia prout alij veri cives dicte civitatis solvunt seu solvent, et gaudeant beneficio infrascriptorum capitulorum. Item quod si aliquis hebreus aut aliqui hebrei, venerit vel venirent ad civitatem Reatinam ad mutuandum sub usuris quod ipse ve! Item quod contra istrumenta ve! Et quod omne officiales dicte civitatis Reate teneantur dictis hebreis et cuilibet eorum ius summarium et de facto, sine strepitu et figura iudicij, ministrare tam in debito principali quam etiam in usura.

    Possint tamen contra Documenti Italia Judaica VI instrumenta vel contractus dictorum hebreorum tantum opponi exceptiones, Item quod prefati hebrei aut alter eorum non possint nec possit cogi ad aliquid prestandum seu mutuandum officialibus civitatis Reate cuiuscumque a statuto permisse contra cristianos et cives civitatis Reate et non alle: Item quod prefati hebrei possint habere scolas et oratorium in dieta civitate Reate ubi possint eorum officia simul et separatim celebrare et etiam facere Item quod Habraam qui est in domo Manuelis Danielis si discendere vult a Manue!

    Item quod liceat prefatis hebreis et cuilibet eorum venienti ad mutuandum in dieta civitate Reate, e! Que omnia et singula capitula, immunitates et onera supradieta supradicti quemcumque antedietum tempus, tam per cives quam per forenses referendo singula singulis, absque aliqua protestatione facienda debitoribus ve! Et quod tales conquerentes de ipsis hebreis ve!

    Item si contigerit quod prefatis hebreis ve! De qua quantitate stetur libris dictorum hebreorum, qui talem rem sub pignere acceperint, et cum juramento nisi contrariurn probaretur, alias ad restitutionem minime compellatur prefate rei subpignerate nec aliter cogi possit.

    Quod cum expensa debita sit anno quolibet tempore nundinarum videlicet in festivitate beate virginis Marie de medio augusto videlicet pro pallio indumentis tubatorum et cera pro luminaria sit necessaria et gabella baractarie que ob dictam causam fuerat iam reperta quandum erat contra bonos mores fuerit iam sublata volentes prouidere unde dicta impensa necessaria habeatur providerunt ordinaverunt et decreverunt quod magister Moyses Gaij medicus, Helias Musecti Helie, Ange!

    Pro qua solutione uolentes eosdem hebreos remunerare et aliqua ilIis grata et honesta concedere capitula et immunitates et onera que solent hebrei communiter habere ubique locerunt. Ac etiam pro utilitate communis unanirniter et concorditer ipsorum nemine discrepante volentes circa ordinationes et provisionem dictorum capitulorum jmmunitatum et oneris intendere et vacare habito etiam prius colloquio et tractatu cum ipsis hebreis de ipsorum hebreorum voluntate.

    In primis quidem decreverunt, ordinaverunt, statuerunt, fecerunt et firmaverunt quod prefati magistri Moyses, Helias, Ange! Jtem statuerunt ordinaverunt et fjrmaverunt quod prefati hebrei eorumque heredes et successores teneantur solvere datiuas et collectas et quelibet a1ia munera realia et personalia prout alij veri ciues dicte Ciuitatis solvunt seu solvent et gaudeant beneficio infrascriptorum capitulorum.

    Jtem ordinaverunt, statuerunt et firmaverunt quod prefati hebrei mutuantes in civitate predicta et artem fenoratoriam exercentes possint habere et accipere pro usuris denarios viginti sex per florenum quemlibet a quibuscumque civibus et comitativis dicte civitatis Reate seu a1ijs quoquo modo subiectis prefato domino Raynaldo et Communi Reate quibus prefatos hebreos mutuare contigerit a forensibus xristiano sollos duos per florenum quemlibet ad rationem L solidos per florenum dumtaxat et non ultra.

    Decernentes accipere quod quiequid prefati acciperunt pro usuris intellegantur accipere pro interesse ipsorum. Et quod contra instrumenta ve! Et quod omnes officiales dicte ciuitatis Reate teneantur dietis hebreis et cuilibet eorum jus summarium et de facto sine strepitu et figura iudicij ministrare tam in debito principali quam etiam in usura.

    Et quod si aliqua exceptio usuraia opponeretur contra dictos hebreos ve! Et quilibet officialis dicte Ciuitatis non obstante exceptione usuraria seu petitione possit et teneatur instrumenta et contracta dictorum Documenti Italia Judaica VI hebreorum executioni mandare secundum forma statutorum dicte civitatis Possiut tamen contra istrumenta et contractus dictorum hebreorum tantum opponi exceptiones a statuto permisse contra christianos et ciues ciuitatis reatine.

    Jtem ordiuaueruut statueruut et firmaverunt quod prefatis hebreis et cuilibet eorum liceat e! Nec prefati hebrei ve! Et quod tales conquerentes de dietis hebreis ve! Item ordinaverunt ac statuerunt et firmaverunt quod prefati hebrei teneantur ac debeant ordinare facere conducere et habere continuo in civitate Reate unam domum seu apothecam stracciarie in qua teneantur et debeant hebrei prefati reponere et retinere omnia et singula pignera que post dietos terminos duorum annorum qua ad ciues et comitativos Reatinos et unius anni qua ad forenses sunt in venditione et in causa vendendi in qua apotheca debeant constituere et habere unum factorem seu negotiatorem fidum et legalem ad cuius manus et penes quem, dicta omnia pignera consistant et per ipsum vendantur.

    Item statuerunt et ordinaverunt quod prefati hebrei non possint nec debeant aut eis liceat vendere pignera raminis et ferri ad eos postea dietos terminos devoluta nisi duntaxat ciuibus et comunitativis. Cetera vero pignera possint licite vendere uniquique emere volenti tam civi quam forensi et omnibus undecunque forent, et hoc in dicta apotheca et non alibi ac postea e! Ita tamen quod si Sabbatus magistri Reguardati, hebreus habitator ciuitatis Jnterannensis venire voluerit ad ciuitatem Reate ad firmandum bancum et apothecam feneratoriam et mutuare sub usuris prout alij prefati hebrei mutuant, possit et sibi liceat prout possunt alij prefati hebrei et gaudeat beneficio presentium capitulorum.

    Item ordinaverunt statuerunt et firmaverunt quod si contigerit prefatos hebreos seu ipsorum aliquem habere et retinere aliquas pecuniarum quantitates a quocumque homine mundi non possint propter aliquas guerras motas seu movendas per dictos dominum Raynaldum et commune Reate contra quoscumque dominos seu communitates et siugules homiues et personas ve!

    Sed potius ualeant ac possint ipsi hebrei ue! Item ordinaverunt quod si contigerit ut prefatis hebreis ve!

    Item quod prefati hebrei ue! Item ordinaverunt et firmaverunt quod prefati hebrei possint habere scolas et oratorium in dicta civitate Reate ubi possint eorum officia simul et separatim ce! Quod si in predictis aliqua molestia iuferretur ab aliqua persona tam ece!

    Jtem quod dicti hebrei et quilibet ipsorum debeant tenere et Que quidem omnia et singula capitula jmmunitates et onera supradicta conservare pignora duobus anrus a clie que mutuaverint pecuniam computandis et elapsis ipsis duobus annis quo ad Cives et Comitativos teneantur requirere pignorantes, monentes quo debeat exigere et reluere eorum pignora, usque ad supradieti domini et alij cives de quibus supra fit mentio autoritatem habentes ut prefertur viee et nomine dicti Communis fecerunt et concesserunt prefatis unum mensem proxime venturum, elapso autem ilio mense post annos duos hebreis magistro Moysi supradicto presenti alijs licet absentibus et michi J acobo hac conditione quod satisfacto suis iuribus tam capitali quam usuris illud plus quod venderentur pignorantibus debeat assignari, et quod non possint ponere utile super utili seu usuras super usuris.

    Jtem si dicti hebrei aut aliquis ipsorum cancellario et notario infrascripto tamquam publice persone stipulanti et recipienti per dictis hebreis et eorum quolibet pro dictis decem annis proxime futuris et pignorantes non reluerint pignora tunc liceat ipsis hebreis dicta pignera vendere non obstantibus quibuscumque statutis reformationibus et decretis dicti Communis aliquam pecunie quantitatem mutuaverint in cammuni per necessitatibus in contrarium generaliter vel specialiter disponentibus quibus et cuilibet eorum ex certa scientia derogaverunt, nee etiam obstante aliqua lege juris communis occurrentibus quod dictum commune teneatur eis et quilibet ipsorum utile debitum in contrarium loquente.

    Nichilominus dieti si omnes starent, si pauciores remanerent ducatos auri quinquaginta distribuendos inter eos prout eis uidebitur et placebit. Es si predicta omnia et singula non servaverint tum effectu quod mutuare non audeant quoquomodo et de alijs prouideatur hebreis qui habeant in Civitate morari. Actum ut supra presente me infrascripto cancellario et rogato ab eis ut de predietis in presenti libro ad eorum cautelam facerem inventionem presentibus etc.

    Baptista Georgij Petri [omissisl testibus. Et plus petunt quod dictum commune restituat eis centum decem ducatos de quibus habent apodixas ab ipso commune qualiter ipsos centum decem ducatos comprestiterunt in communi predicta ipsi et alij hebrei et dietos centum decem ducatos petunt eorum nomine et nomine aliorum hebreorum qui iIIos prestiterunt una cum ds.

    Die XXV mensis Julij nona inditione exhibita et presentata fuit suprascripta assertio et narrata per supradietos hebreos corarn spectabilibus viris ser Mactheo de Cherubinis Gonfalonerio [omissis].

    Johann am Tauern St. Johann im Ahrnta St. Johann im Ahrntal St. Johann im Pongau St. Johann in der Haide St. Johann in Tirol St. Julian's Stj 02 St. Kanzian am Klopeiner St. Kathrein am Offenegg St. Leonard im Pitzt St. Leonhard im Pitz St. Leonhard im Pitztal St. Leonhard in Passeier St. Margarethen im Lungau St. Maria di Leuca St. Martin am Grimming St. Martin am Tennengebirge St. Martin bei Lofer St. Martin im Sulmtal St. Martin in Passei St. Martin in Passeier St. Michael im Lungau St. Michael ob Bleiburg St.

    Nikolai im Sausal St. Paul im Lavanttal St. Peter am Kammersberg St. Primus am Klopeiner S St. Stefan am Walde St. Stefan im Gailtal St. In the forties and fifties of the sixteenth century the confirmations became more and more frequent as a result of linkage to the imposition of the vigesima.

    In principle the privileges remained unaltered for nearly three centuries, until the issue of cum nimis absurdum by Paul IV. Yet changes did occur in many areas and the charters reflected these changes by stating that ali preceding legislation was confirmed20 Some of the changes affected the legai status of the Jews of Rome. Jurisdiction over them was transferred from the curia capitolii to the papal vicar. The papal chamberlain was appointed judge of appeal against the sentences of the vicar.

    The bankers were subject to the sole jurisdiction of the papal chamberlain. As early as Boniface VIII defined the Jews of Rome and subsequently also those elsewhere under papal rule impotentes vis-à-vis the inquisition. Furthermore, unauthorized magistrates continued to proceed against Roman Jews, and an unremitting struggle on this score continued during the first haH of the sixteenth century Up to the midelle of the fiftee! In addition, they paid the dues and fees that were demanded from other Roman residents.

    But they were exempt from all other levies by the papal government. It consisted of a tithe decima on all movable and immovable possessions owned by the Jews in Rome and elsewhere in Italy, plus confiscation of ali interest collected by Jews. While the papal order met with opposition from the rulers who were unwilling to surrender their revenues from the Jews, no such obstacles were encountered in Rome and the Papal States.

    The Diet of Mantua signalled the intensification of the papal effort to stem the Turkish advance in the Balkans. Pius II set the Jewish contribution at a twentieth of ali income and possessions. This vigesima tax became a permanent levy on the Jews in Rome and the territories under the direct and indirect jurisdiction of the Church. Theoretically, the tax was collected on both capitai and income; in practice, the sums were fixed by negotiation between the collectors and the Jews.

    From then on the vigesima was collected from the Jews irrespective whether a Crusade actually took pIace. Some twenty-five vigesime were recorded until the expulsion of most territories under papal rule in the second haH of the sixteenth century. Then it was replaced by a fixed levy of scudi annually imposed on the Jews in Rome. Eventually, the quittances issued to the Jewish communities that they had paid the vigesima were linked to the charter renewals and the pardons.

    In the end, during Julius III's pontificate, the Jewish share was an estimated 10, scudi annually, or some 3. In a specia! Turkish tax was imposed to protect the shores of Ita! The rate demanded of the Jews was about six dmes the regular vigesima.

    The Jews were unable to shoulder the additiona! Nevertheless further attempts were made to extract more tax from the Jewish milch-cow, including 20, ducats to help finance the Schmalka! Toward the end of the Middle Ages, particularly during the rule of the Renaissance popes, the Apostolic See pursued a Jewry policy that resembled that of other Italian rulers at the time. The Roman community, which numbered between 1, and 2, members in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, enjoyed the usua!

    The popes, in their capacity as tempora! Yet when the interests of the papa! The close link between taxation and papal tolerance of Jewish economie activity, particularly moneylending became especially pronounced in the last century before Paul IV. A census taken just before the Sack of Rome showed that about half the Jews in Rome were craftsmen, nearly half were merchants indudmg bankers, and the remaining ten percent or , , , , , , For the linkage between the vigesima and the renewal cf the charters, see K.

    Srow, Taxation, Community and State: Ungedruckte Akten zar Geschichte der Pilpste, Freiburg , pp. Aas der Camera Apostolica des 15 Jahrhunderts, Innsbruck.

    There were alsa attempts to increase the tax revenues by extortion, but with scant results. There appears to have been a graduaI shift of Jews from commerce to crafts The most lucrative and economically important JeWIsh occupatlOn was moneylending.

    The qualified inhibition of Jewish moneylending adopted by. The prOhlbltlon was never. The popes bent the theologica! In the city of Rome Jewish banking of the pawnbroking variety did not emerge formally before the end of the fifteenth century.

    RomanJews migrated toward the north of Ita! In or about , Urban V issued a consdtutio,: Romana di storia patria", 17 , pp. For the occupationaI shilt, see A. Shortly afterward he approved a condotta signed by the people of Ancona, at that time a free republic under papal protection, with a family of German Jews. Yet at the same time the Apostolic See did not relinquish the principle that usury was forbidden also to Jews. It adopted a the following formula: If the Jews of Rome did in fact engage in pawnbroking before then, the permission to do so was included in the sweeping charter grantedJews "everywhere" by Innocent VII.

    The first definite mention of "manifest usury" practiced by Jews in Rome dates from Curiously it was a permit granted a group of bankers in Marino who had established a branch in the capitaI. Sixtus IV "tolerated the activities of the bankers from Marino "forever", adding the standard excuse that it was preferable to have Jews lend money at interest to satisfy the credit needs of the Christian poor rather than have Christians do it and sin.

    Yet Alexander VI in his ratification of the charter of the Jews in Rome specifically excluded moneylending. At some date thereafter before , Jewish moneylending became fully legaIized, and Leo X referred to it as a long-established fact. The number of Jewish banks in Rome was fixed at twenty and the papal chamberlain was appointed to act as their overall supervisor; his responsibilities included administration of justice to the bankers.

    In or about the number of Jewish banks in Rome had doubled, with the new banks offering better terms than the old ones In some instances, the Jewish preserice-consisied only of a weekly visit by the banker or his agent to the!

    The greatest concentration of Jewish settlements was! This holds true for the fifteenth century and the first half of the sixteenth. Most Roman Jews were artisans and small businessmen, often combining the two professions. The artisans covered a wide range of occupations, including spinners and tailors, dyers and hatters, tinsmiths and armourers, shoemakers and saddlers.

    The businessess included trade in provisions, generaI merchandise, new and used old clothes, wood, metaI, leather and hides. Jews also engaged in the professions as physicians, lawyers, teachers, rabbis, etc. Some of them were in the service of the popes. There were also manual labourers among the Jews of Rome.

    For Cabasolle, see SH. As late as the middle of the fifteenth century a German Dominican on a visit to Rome wrote to Duke Henry IV of Bavaria that the Jews in the capitaI did not lend money at interest and subsisted on trade ru: Umbna may serve as a model for comparison. They had to negotiate wIth both the 10caI and the papaI authorities, and were expected to pay for both the condotta and the charter. He aIso engaged i? In , Martm V granted Salomon and hls family a pardon for alI offenses and crimes they might have committed during the rebellion of Città di Castello against papaI rule.

    The condotta was similar to those in the papaI dominions and elsewhere in ItaIy Not only moneylenders in Rome and the provinces were given privileges by the popes. Merchants were alIowed to ply their trade. Jews were transferred from one jurisdiction to another and were granted moratoria and safe conducts. A ceaseless stream of mandates and orders emanated from Rome to regulate the!

    They appeaIed to the Apostolic See for intervention and protection, and the popes usualIy reponded favourably, often with the assistance of the chamberlain's office32 As elsewh,: Many Jewish communities became corporations, very similar to Chnstian communes and guilds.

    In Rome a community existed throughout 3 1 SH. In the tweIfth century mention is made of stratores, scrinarii, iudices cum advocatis of the Jews in Rome. The stratores may have been the parnassim mentioned by Immanuel Romano and others, while the judges are probably the members of the rabbinicaI tribunaI.

    There were aIso officiales and administratores. However, the constitution of the community and the functions of the officiaIs are not spelled out in the charters, although we may assume that they were not much different from those in other Jewish communities at the time. At one time, in the wake of an internaI dispute, Pope Martin V appointed Leucio son of Magister Angelo, as governor gubernatorl of the community. This appears to have been only a temporary expedient The division of the carnivaI tax between the communities of Rome and the provinces in the fourteenth century naturally demanded consultation and cooperation.

    Conferences were held at the 10caI leve! At the beginning of the sixteenth century the Roman Jewish community became in need of an immediate rdorm of its institutions. Two factors combined to increase the sense of urgency: The newcomers maintained their separate religious groups, such as synagogues; numbering some ten or eleven congregations, they demanded a share in the government of the community, especially in the distribution of taxes.

    In they obtained from Julius II a writ ordering the community to allot them a seat on the board of the three communal fattori. But the conflict between the natives and the ultramontani continued.

    In the community appointed Danie! Clement VII approved the statutes, whieh called for a congrega of 60 members, an executive council of 20, 3 executive officers! Da Pisa also ' formulated tax rules and other regulations. Da Pisa's statutes probably incorporated or dinances whieh had been in existence in Rome for some time, modified some, and added new ones.

    Similar statutes were introduced during the sixteenth century in various Jewish communities in Italy, and the Roman ordinances probably served as a model for some of them". These relatively favourable conditions for the Jews of Rome and the papal dominions attracted Jewish immigrants from e1sewhere, especially the vietims of oppression, persecution and expuIsion. The papaI government accepted not only exiles from Sicily and the kingdom of Naples, and refugees from across the AIps and the Iike, but even vietims of the Iberian inquisition.

    Economie considerations evidently overrode religious scruples. That, of course, did not mean that the popes of the renaissance, as some would have it, were less keen on the conversion of the Jews to Christianity than were their more orthodox predecessors. The Christian mission to the Jews continued unabated under the popes of the sixteenth century with relatively greater success than in the past,. The newly founded order of the Jesuits took an active part in it and the casa dei catecumeni, founded in the capitaI at that time, appears to have been fairly humming with activity.

    The older orders, such as the Franciscans, also continued their missionary activities, including conversionary sermons -- as well as attacks on Jews andJudaism, especially in the economie sphere, in their struggle against Jewish banking and the creation of competition, in the form cf the Monti di Pietà.

    All the same, the Counter Reformation ushered in by Paul IV with the promulgation of Cum nimis absurdum was a rude awakening from relative tranquillity for the Jews of 35 Berliner, Rom cito 2, pp. Srow, Prossimità o distanza: Most Jewish settlements in the provinces, many of whieh could look back on a centuries-old history, were upro?

    Other communities, including Rome, were confmed to ghettoes, and the Iiving conditions imposed on them became well-nigh intolerable. There, in hls palace, dwells the Pope, who rules and presides over aIl. And the cardinals, his advisors, surround hlm, wl5ely strengthening every breach in the religion day after day. Each year, many notabIes and summoned leaders come there faithfully to greet [the Po!?

    Whatever he decrees to the gentile kings who are adherents of the falth, not one of them will disobey him, nor will they speak after he as spoken; whatever he seals with hls bull can not be reversed, whether It appIy to a nation or to an individuai alike'. At exactly the same time the Jews of Rome were themseIves facing the threat of expulsion. Examining the scanty information that we have about this strange event will permit me, I hope, to uncover eIements concerning the mnnner in which medievaI Jews regarded the Papacy and, most importantly, the politicaI expectations they nurtured -- rightly or wrongIy -- regarding the Apostolic See.

    Hebrew terminoIogy is of much significance in this respect. V Haifa , p. Joseph Shatzmiller 32 Italia Judaica with his bull, that they must restore to him the people [of Israe!

    But [the Pope and bis advisers] will not believe him until he performs powerful signs and unmistakable portents in the sight of ali presento Then will the Pope know and reeognize that he is an emissary of the true God, and he will send his legate to ali the kings, near and far, [informing them] that the Jews are about to go forth from slavery to freedom, and that they must let every Jew go forth by himself, free1y, demanding no money, for a redeemer has come to Zion6.

    He was, however, absolutely in line with contemporary Jewish thinking concerning the necessity of obtaining such an interview as a precondition to a politica! A most detailed Jewish expression of the monarchical superiority of the Pope is probably also the most ancient one. According to thls story, King Robert of France the date coincides closely with hls reign gave the Jews of hls kingdom a choice between conversion to Christianity and expulsion from his realm.

    A Jewish notable, Jacob ben Yekutiel of the city of Rouen, took up the royal challenge: This is the 6 M. IV, Haifa , pp. He addressed to the Pope, saying: His mission was crowned with success -- or so we are assured by the anonymous author. Now some scholars, notably K.

    Stow, raise doubts about the historical value of the document, and the debate must continue. Yet, as far as the political vision of the Jews is concerned, what we find here corresponds very welI to what we have seen before. At the heart of the polemics was Paul' s abandonment of theology and adoption of politics. Given the enormous crime the Jews perpetrated by kiIling Christ, no Christian ruler should tolerate them.

    Paul is claimed to have used the term lisbo! But the Jewish protagonist, a certain Samuel ben Abraham of Rouen, shows much courage in addressing Paul: Why are you condemning us in front of all this mob and leaving us at their mercy? We are not frightened of you and they will not listen to you. Because the King tolerates us, and much more so do all gentile scholars who foIlow reason and science, and the noblemen, and the Pope In their belief as to the political support they are entitled to as Jews, Jewish polemicists even go overboard in several cases, Iikening themselves to "the appIe of the eye" of the ordered political body.

    The question to be found on p. Ephmim of Bonn -- whom we shall introduce shortly -- puts it in son;e: Although I know of no Hebrew reference to it, Jews had ampIe occasion to come into contact wit it, as it was inclu ed. But there is mention of the other? Jewish commentators from David Kimhi in the first quarter of the thirteenth century, to Abraham Sabag in Lisbon in the last quarter of the fifteenth, seem to have knowledge of it'6.

    Although Augustine and his theory are not mentioned explicitly in the report by the Catalan Jewish assembly mentioned above it is not impossible that they were referring to it in their statement: This has been part and parce! The statement quoted appears on p. For a translation of Ephrrum s chromcle mto the Enghsh see S.

    However, whoever touches a Jew, intending his killing, is in the likeness of one who touches Christ. Ephraim's report is exact we possess the preaching of St. Bernard in polemics with Peter of Cluily on this point and in it appears patent reference to the Augustinian doctrine A long parentheses should be opened at this point to present instances in which a Pope did live up to the Augustinian expectation, and did offer support to Jews in distress.

    A few examples will suffice. The late Professor Salomon Grayze! The Constitutio had been reissued by four Popes in the twelfth century and by five others in the ensuing fifty years. Popes reacted also to specific disasters that befell the Jews. Thus, the Hebrew chronicles kept alive the memory of massacres committed by crusaders in the regions of Anjou, Poitou, and Bretagne.

    More than three thousand Jews twenty-five hundred, according to ecclesiastical sources , were slain or took their own lives Our anonymous Hebrew chronicler identified the year as the date of the massacres, while Latin sources make reference to the year Most notable are two letters issued by Pope Gregory IX, both dated September 5, , one addressed to the King of France, the other to the pre! He urges these authorities to punish the crusaders and to restore stolen property to the victims.

    Gregory acted, he testified, after Jews turned to him for help22 18 Ibidem. Papai documentation confirms in prindple Ibn Verga's althaugh it quotes a somewhat lower number of victims. The Apostolic See and the Jews, Toronto In two Papal bulls issued at Lyons on May 28, , he ordered the release of the Jews who were arrested some in fact had been executed beforehand , and required that they be compensated and allowed to live peacefully in the territory As is well known, Jews also received Papal support after such calamities as the Riots of the Shepherds in and the Black Death of Individuai Jews benefited from Papal support as well.

    Here I shall limit myself to one example only. When cities refused to alIow Jewish doctors to practice in their confines, unless they produced a dispensation from the Pope, the Holy See did not refrain from producing such documents.

    Simonsohn's Bullarium has a handsome collection of these documents, and Ariel Toaff discovered severa! But there has been as well a somber side to the relationship between the Popes and the Jews. Let us turn our regard to the city of Rome and the plight of the Roman Jews, about whom we know very little. Although we possess a respectable series of documents independent of each other, the difficulty is due to the fact that our major informant is Solomon ibn Verga.

    This sixteenth century chronogropher -- historian, actually -- preserved in his Shevet Yehuda some precious information; yet he at times distorted his history by his wish to tell a menningful story, or by his simple misunderstanding of the events Roman Jews looked for help to King Robert of Anjou, who served as mediator.

    A handsome bribe of one hundred thousand florins was required to calm down Sancia who, as the soap opera ends, became a staunch defender of the Jews. Now, for each of the elements of the story we are able to find evidence in the documents of the time. The trouble lies in the sequence of events Ibn Verga develops for uso The ingredients are good but their mixture is bad, hence, an inedible dish.

    In her lifetime the Jews of Majorca experienced a short expulsion and their synagogue was turned into a chapepo. Sancia was very much interested in religion and even asked for a divorce in order to devote her life to the adoration of Christ Robert's intervention in favor of the Jews is mentioned once, if not twice, by the poet Emmanuel of Rome, writing in the name of the Roman Community Koehan, The lew and His History, London , pp.

    As for the Papai reacion to the persecution cf pp. The best ODe can do is consult doeument no. Studie, and Texts No. A similar dispensation was awarded two days before to Daniel Abrahe, a physician in Castro. Essays in Honor of lohn H. Mundy, Oxford , pp. Acute trouble in the community of Rome is attested to by a special public fast ta'anit tsibur that took pIace there on Thursday, 2 1 Sivan of the year 1.

    We have the "Seder" "orda" of this fast in several manuscripts e. The only valid historical sentence is the heading of the document: A contemporary writer, the talmudist Todros I Isaac of Gerona, wrote about the event at the end of and the beginning of ActualIy, we have information for the years 1 - of an even greater sum, one hundred fifty thousand pounds, which the Jews had to pay to the King of France as a fine for their alleged conspiracy with the lepers.

    Professor Elizabeth Brown, the most recent student of this question, suggests that the fine was imposed by the parliament between June and the end of October '5.

    She also has numbers for the communities of the south of France which engaged to pay forty-seven thousand pounds between theJews of Carcassonne, Beaucaire, TouIouse, and Rouergue. The Parisian Jews' share was fifty-three hundred pounds. On this occasion, an accusation of poisoning is mentioned -- poisoning, and not at alI Lady Sancia's fanaticism. Ibn Verga put together events that actualIy happened but which were unrelated to each other.

    Eliezer Birnbaum' s artide note 3 above. Another manuscript concerning the public fast in Rome in is preserved, as stated above, in the Bodleian Library, OxE,ord. Rere we are in somewhat better shape due to the bullarium published recently by our friend Shlomo Simonsohn Already Leon Bardinet knew about this partial expuIsion and attributed it to a concentration of great numbers of Jews, expelled from France, in the Comtat".

    The Simonsohn documents permit us to have a c10ser look at these events. Most documents were written ten years or more after the death of Pope John XXII in , and they testify that Jews were expelled from the Comtat by him. The archives, which yield less than one dozen buIls to this effect, mention only three localities: Carpentras, Bédarrides, and Chateauneuf. No decree of expulsion has been discovered, and in order to determine the possible reason behind the Pontiff's fury, we must depart from the chronological order of Simonsohn' s Bullarium and start with the small community of Chateauneuf.

    Eight years later, another Papal bull suggests that the Jews were stilI not back in Chàteauneuf40 36 Cfr. Reference will be given to the number of the document referred to and to the pages in which it is transcribed.

    I Studies and Texts No. However, we recall that Pope John XXII was very much concerned with the economic well-being of converts to Christianity"', and that he did combat the study of the Talmud, ordering the confiscation and burning of its copies, in which he saw the source of ali Jewish error"2 While it is not explicitly mentioned that the Jews of Bédarrides and especially Carpentras were expelled for the same reason, it is quite possible that this was the case.

    For Bédarrides we have the oldest document, issued on February 20, By then, the expulsion was a fait accampli, the synagogue razed and the Pope ensuring that a chape! We cannot be absolute! John himself is not known for any further persecution of the Jews. His successors showed themse! In fact, the Comtat Venaissin continued to serve as haven to Jews for hundreds of years, well after it was sold in to France.

    Il Ghetto di Roma. STOW, La stonografia del ghetto romano. Problemi metodologici, in M. Malgrado tali comprensibili inquietudini mi sono accinto a ripercorrere l'esame delle fonti studiate in precedenza con l'intento precipuo di ricavarne una definizione topografica e soprattutto architettonica, scartando a priori il proposito di prendere in esame le altre zone che sappiamo aver ospitato insediamenti ebraici, quale quella in Trastevere, presso la chiesa di S.

    Peraltro gli insediamenti ebraici in Trastevere nel corso del XV secolo, di cui si ha notizia attraverso gli studi.

    Uso e trasformazione della città storica, Venezia, Marsilio, , pp. Gli ebrei a Roma tra Quattro e Cinquecento, cit. Parimenti anche l'esame delle carte dell'archivio del monastero di S. Assumendo come base di partenza la nota pianta di Bartolomeo De Rocchi, datata al circa, fig. The roman census oj , Roma, Bulzoni Devo questo e molti altri preziosi suggerimenti alla cortesia e alla competenza di Isa Sanfilippo che ringrazio con affetto. Si notano moltre rIportatI 1 condot: Le adduzioni principali sono.

    Angelo in Pesc heria e il ponte Quattro ;. Frequenti sono, infatti, le notazioni del tipo: La presente porzione di tassa costituisce la quantità di quadrate canne Nel Rione Regola l'aggregato di case medioevali accanto alla chiesa di S.

    Paolo e quelle fra via della Mortella e via di S. L'apertura di via Arenula fig. La zona archeologica di Roma: Architettura e città, Venezia, Marsilio, , passim e la relativa bibliografia. E a tale proposito devo ricordare come un altro settore di indagine di particolare interesse risieda nello studio dei rilievi di campagna effettuati nel in varie zone di Roma e anche nel Ghetto dall' armata francese fig.

    Pubblicato da Leonardo Benevolo nel suo libro 25 A. I rilievi della consistenza edilizia svolti per la preparazione del plastico, finora inediti, risultano estremamente precisi e dettagliati e riportano anche i prospetti degli edifici sui lati interni, verso i cortili, oltre che verso strada.

    Di qui in avanti non è più la storia delle trasformazioni edilizie' ma , storia delle distruzioni. Sicché il 24 marzo il Consiglio comunale delibera di demolire lo sconcio agglomerato di case per bonificarlo con adeguate reti di fognature, dando aria e luce attraverso l'apertura di nuove strade, titolando al Progresso una delle principali arterie aperte nel Ghetto storic02'.

    In realtà la zona centrale del Ghetto è stata devastata da corrive costruzioni, quali ad esempio l'edificio scolastico innalzato nel 1 9 10 al posto dei caratteristici ambienti di piazza delle Scole e piazza della Rua, mentre, lungo le sponde del Tevere, dove in un primo tempo dovevano sorgere edifici porticati, con apposita delibera del , l'Amministrazione comunale decide di vendere le aree residue ai privati per edificarvi villini signorili'".

    This edition is unfortunately very inco plete. The responsa are not numbered and this makes l't l'mpOSSI'ble ' to ascertam ' th' elr orlgm " al number. Since Friedliinder' s edition, the manuscript has been described in detail by the author of the catalogue of the Hebrew manuscripts of the Viennese? According to him it contains responsa, but it should be made dear that there are at least five Hiddushim,4 lO responsa which do not belong to our author' and a number of Shtarot, contracts, and formularies, which cannot possibly be construed as responsa".

    Isaac Joshua of Lattes belongs to a group of scholars who Iived at different periods of their Iife in Rome and in the Comtat Venaissin.

    This should not come as a surprise, as the Comtat was then a part of the Apostolic State, and such interior migrations were to be expected. His grandfather, the celebrated physician Bonet de Lattes Jacob ben Immanuel of Lattes had left Provence for Rome, where he plied his trade -- he was the Pope's doctor -- while also serving as the local rabbi. Isaac Joshua also eventually decided to move to Rome.

    He nevertheless remained attached to his birthplace: He obviously returned quite often to Avignon, as we find him there in , , , and He usually dated his responsa, and mentioned the pIace where he wrote them, and this makes it possible to follow him in his ltalian wanderings. He was probably a rabbi, but of the wandering type, as he moved quite frequently from pIace to pIace.

    He most Iikely served as a teacher in well to do families. He probably also tried his hand as a businessman. This catalogue numbers the different responsa. When referring to the manuscript, the folio will be indicated. Some of these cantain more than on responsum.

    Heb 79 fa 43 vO. When did he gather his responsa in a book? Very probably in the latter part of bis life, when living in Cesena or Ferrara. He himself mentions the fact that he copied in , while in Cesena, a responsum he had originalIy written in Rome in One may welI ask whether he rewrote and updated then his responsa? Isaac Joshua of Lattes wrote bis first responsa in Rome between and , which would show that he was borne about thirty five years before.

    As he has left no responsa after , one may surmise that he died at the beginning of the seventies. AlI we can say is that we can folIow him between when we find him in Avignon -- and He was therefore active during the period which prepared the ghetto system, and during the twilight of the communities which had managed to survive before being definitely suppressed in He would then seem to have stayed in Rome between and as shown by the responsa which he wrote from this capitall2.

    He may have written them during a visit, as nothing shows that he had settled there. He probably left Rome about , as there are no responsa extant which he could have written there. Later on, in and , he will author a number of responsa in Macerata He quite probably did not return to Rome at that time and we find him active in Pesaro in and In he will write his famous responsum favouring the printing of the Zohar in a pIace calIed Fiaro or Piaro1 6 which may be a misspelling for Pesaro.

    This is alI the more likely as he wrote a number of responsa in Pesaro in and He wrote for him a halakhic essay, which is not in the nature of a responsum19 Unfortunately, it is impossible to ascertain when and for how long he stayed there.

    During , and he will write many responsa in Cesena Later on he will be active in Ferrara , where he had already made an appearance in His reputation as a Talmudist was excelIent, as can be seen by the cases submitted to him. It is nevertheless doubtful whether he ever received an official rabbinical appointment. He probably sat in courts, but as a Barur, a chosen, not an appointed judge.

    The scope of bis judgements is large, and it would be difficult to give a comprehensive view of his activities and of alI the questions asked in tbis short study. Therefore, only a few chosen thema will be considered here. One of the early responsa of Isaac Joshua ben Immanuel deals with the situation of the Roman community in , when he was requested to give judgement on the respective claims of two charitable societies: The first one maintained a teacher who taught practicalIy every day.

    In order to cover the expenses involved, the Aragonese organised a yearly appeal. For a few years they alone rendered this service to alI the Roman Spanish Jews. A few years later, the Castilians decided to do the same, and the Aragonese feared for their income, as the Castilians' appeal was to be organized only a few days before the Aragonese one. Isaac Joshua of Lattes decided that the Castilians could not be alIowed to harm the Aragonese, as these enjoyed priority.

    While describing and adjudging the case, he also brough some very interesting information on the community of Rome: If Fiaro is to be carrecteci ta Pesaro, acid. The same in the manuscript f. Some gathered in Rome and settled there. They gathered ali mixed together and prayed together.

    They did not feel at ease, as every one wanted to pray according to the ways of his fathers. They decided to separate family from family and set up many synagogues, one for the Aragonese, and one for the Castilians. There was no such tbing as Spanish Jewry, and it came into existence only about a hundred years after the expuIsion, when the different communities agreed to accept the Castilian Ieadership.

    Lattes described also the consequences of the sack of Rome in When the Lord alIowed Rome to be plundered, lsrae! The commuruties were in decline.

    A few remained, but most died, whether naturally, by the sword, or by starvation. Many went far away because of the burden of war. The synagogues did not gather a quorum of ten for prayer or learning. Many synagogues were destroyed, and they were compelled to merge, family into family.

    Thus, the Aragone se joined with the Castilians, the Catalans and the French25 Prayers were eventualIy said according to, the Castilian rite, as the Frenchmen were too few to be taken into account. Thus they went on with their custom, without changing their habits and their usage. The Aragonese kept their usage26 as before. The younger Castilian generation did not want this situation to be maintained, and t'hey decided to compete with the Aragonese.

    They said that the FrenchJews, "who are with us and who did not make an agreement with you, would set up the new system: They were no more independent and could therefore not take sueh an initiative. As has already been pointed out, lsaae of Lattes sided with the Aragonese. His reader, who has been brought up IO the tradltlOn of high standards of medievaI Jewish married life, may be u: In an undated and unloeated responsum which, it would seem, lsaae of Lattes wrote in Rome, the ease is reported of a woman who had been aceused by two witnesses of having performed an "ugly aet": In bis answer he eompIained about these women of ili repute "who fear divoree more than they fear the Lord and go on trespassing in seerecy28 " In another responsum2', dated Rome, 15 of Marzo , that is lsaae of Lattes often uses the Italian name of the month, while keeping the Jewish eount of the year -- he tells about the adul: He had overpowered one of his maiden daughters, who w,,: He had come to her and she had become unbeconungly pregnant.

    He then ran away from his wrong-doing, eigned piety and dissimulated his infamy. Nobody pald any attenuon to him [when he carne here] and we were the only ones to take pity on him, because we saw him in his nakedness and in his want. We brought him to our house and greeted him, as we thought him more precious than pearls. But he is an evil man They dld thelt evil doing during a lengthy periodo Nobody saw it or paid any attention This evil man left his bed at midnight and went to the room of the adulteress, in order to sIeep with her in her bed, and to sin with her She got up to see what was that noise in the room of her daughter-in-bw, and she saw the adulterer reclining with the adulteress.

    Exiles from Provence, or earlier refugees from France? In the meaning Jewish banking had at the time. This was rather a contractual promise of marriage than a proper engagement. I thought everythmg was In order and that this man had come to this toam with pure intentions. But my mother, because of her prudishness, felt badly and was Incensed.

    She spoke with this man: Nobody was awake or listened: It would be a sin to God and to you. You have always been Iike a father to me! I did not listen to her, because I suspected her af being jealous: Everybody was already speaking about this matter, when our old father carne back from Genoa.

    He was intent on preserving the famil! He a1so Ieared that the woman rnight convert to , Chnstlamty. ThlS man was evil, and he knew very well our business: He also feared that she may estrange from me the first child she had borne far me. Therefore, my father decided to be very friendly with the adulterer He eventually called him and told him: Have you not heard from the land of the hart, from Palestine, that the Lord has remembered His people and that they go from SUCcess to success"?

    Why should I go on with this bank ; which will become less and less successful? Let us selI it to one of the Jew who have been expelled from Naples36, [who will buy it] on condition that we give him quarters in our home".

    They, too, especialIy Sabatino, have seen some ugly things. He saw them sitting together in the hall leading to the upper rooms. She was crying and scratching her face because he had to go. He too was crying, because he had to leave his be! It was dark and they did not suspect that some body was watching them in the room. This man had to leave the house, but they did not refrain from their evil conduct.

    The aHair did not stop, as they found gohetweens. This woman had a Jewish maid-servant from Rome, and she used to send her to the 34 35 36 37 Guinia in the text printed and manuscript. Probably an allusion to the contemporary surge af the Safed community. A partial expulsion had taken pIace befare, between Probably a physician.

    At the agreed hour, the paramour in order to agree upon a meet house of a Christian woman where adulteress left her house and went to the his house, and to meet her when she met her lover.

    The man used to leave for study. He met her in the house all the Jews gathered in the synagogue He was eventually discovered, when of this Christian woman -- a prostituteween. She confessed that the lovers he tried to give a reward to the gobet husband was finally convinced that had met on a number of occasions. The to know whether he should divoree he had been betrayed.

    He now wanted account of her conduct, and if her, whether she had lost her dowry on birth, was a bastard or noto the second child to whom she had given by Isaac of Lattes, could It cannot be denied that this episode, as told s, which have been reported easily be compared with many paralle!

    Isaac This is not the only case where marital misconduct and in the same Rome, a man of Lattes informs us that in the same year itted adultery with a married called Ruben had been suspected of having comm but no tangible evidence woman. The husband brought her before court, on she and her husband could be adduced, and she was discharged.

    Could such a marriage agreed to a divorce, and she remarried with Ruben! Jewish usage allows, in Mediterranean countr which have followed wife who has not given birth during the ten years ing the first one. It was even honorable men to marry a second wife in order to expressed himself in more diHicult for the poor to do so.

    One can understand that Jewish society was deeply same values. EIsewhere Isaac of Lattes mention s the case of Abraham Tripoles e probably from the Lybian ripoli , who was engaged to Mattuck's daug hter.

    When interrog ated , she sald that Abraham was the guilty party. H wanted to repu diat e her, but she did not agree: Isaac of Lattes also reported the case of a Roman Coh en that is a n an desce ded from the priestly family, who had married: They had numerous children, whose status was now questlOned, as such a marriag e was contrary to Jewish law In order.

    Is it accldental or should we accept the fact that the Roman Jewish com. Were these Jews Renaissance men? Jewlsh banking is also mentioned more than once in bis responsa. He speaks about a bank, which, despite the permit given to its owner, remained inactive for eight or nine years Other banks knew other difficulties. David of Sicily had lodged a complaint against the twenty bankers working at the time in Rome. He maintained that he should be one of them, as he was the inheritor of bis father, who had been a member of the originai twenty.

    He had asked to succeed hirn, but had been rebuffed. Isaac of Lattes was chosen as an arbitrator and began to study the case. He went to great lengths in order to obtain a document wbich would explain the workings of the bankers' privilege. This was of course written in Italian and this makes it alI the more interesting that he should have copied a few Iines of tbis text in Latin script in the very middle of bis Hebrew responsum: Me confesso haver liberato e confesso el mio Ieco etc et provieto mai pro nullo tempo godere ne far godere il sopra ditto 10eo anti lo remonto da mo et eedalo a li ditti vinti.

    He ruled that they would have rights in this partnership proportionally to their investment48 He also examined the difficulties resulting from competition between established and freelance banking. It happened that Ruben was in possession of a banking privilege -. Shimon, who Iived in a village five miles away, used to come to town and to extend loans against written documents. He took a lower interest than Ruben's bank, which extended loans only against pawns.

    The shop is obviously the bank. This incident -- a ritual murder libel? There can be no doubt that these specific accounts add to a better understanding of the workings and problems of Jewish banking. They maintained that as taxpayers, they should enjoy equal rights. They announced their ible, to buy a building which would serve as a synagogue and, if imposs l: There they rented a return to d alIowe were sold their synagogue.

    Trouble began when they set up to their former homes. The first one was given to a Bahura, an unmar 56 In In both cases he made clear what he expected from them and especially insisted on their duty to review once a month all the laws pertaining to ritual slaugbtering".

    How should this rather remarkable step -- ritual sIaughtering is generally looked upon as a masculine prerogative -- be understood? The last sign of an ancient tradition? Isaac of Lattes was also consulted on specific problems dealing with Marranos, who had recently escaped from Portugal. The first case Macerata ? Later on her husband disappeared and it was suspected that he had drowned. The woman then returned publicly to Judaism. She married a full-fledged Jew, as she was convinced that her former marriage was void.

    She was married with a Marrano who didn't foIlow her example, as he was intent on visiting the peninsula for his business. He had disappeared on one of his trips and his wife wanted to know whether she could remarry68 One may weIl ask why such a question had to be sent as far away as Fez and why it haci remained unanswered in Italy.

    It is quite possible that the woman involved belonged to one of the most prominent famllies of Spanish Jewry who had settled in Italy and that no local rabbi wanted to deal with such a delicate problem. Isaac of Lattes also discussed the problem of a rabbi who had been deposed on account of his misconduct. He was reinstated later on, but the problem did not end with this, as bis proponents kept the documents pertaining to his deposition, and could stiII make bis shame public. Italia Judaica VI What ne the trIals reveal.

    In questo senso, si facilmente com rendere come U? N aturalmente occorre tenere con to del f att o h c e sempre una storia di devianza2, dal momento che SI.

    La serie documentaria sulla quale si è svolta la mia ricerca è quella dei "Processi" del Tribunale criminale del governatore, che si presenta - caso abbastanza raro per questa tipologia di fonti - in modo continuativo a partire dagli inizi del XVI secolo, con le ovvie lacune riferite al periodo del Sacco.

    Ma, come poi vedremo proprio in uno dei casi che ho esaminato, si tratta di lacune non sempre incolmabili. Dei tre Tribunali contemporaneamente operanti a Roma in quel tempo Senatore, Vicario e Governatore , quest'ultimo si configurava come una sorta di tribunale d'appello" ma anche di primo grado per cause civili del valore non superiore a cinque scudi e, in materia criminale, esercitava un diritto di prevenzione su tutti gli altri tribunali di Roma; in più, qualsiasi reato commesso in un raggio di 40 miglia intorno alla città poteva essere di sua competenza.

    La descrizione del fondo è qui deliberatamente sintetica: III, Roma , p. Naturalmen te tutti innocenti inclusi sono molto cauti nel rispondere.

    Un'ultima cosa, prima di venire al dun que e affrontare i processi ad ebrei romani da me reperiti nel corso di que sta ricerca: In entrambi gli studi emergevano due elementi fondamentali: Il puro e semplice dato quantitativo, se confrontato con il numero de;. In realtà questi dati s? Il primo si svolge fra febbraio e aprile del 1". Cohen ha analizzato le implicazioni antropologiche e pSicologiche 9 Ibid.

    Ma vemamo a s ona. Angelo ' la locan a dell Orso; glovani costi. Incontrano ' a loro. A questo punto' non e dato sapere per lmzlatlVa chi ognuno darà poi la coIpa all'altro scatta Ia burla, neIl s: Trovano pero soIo un servItore.

    Sulla via del ritorno seu: La causa tra n. LbI'd , Interrogatori del febbraio 19, 2 , 10 , 14 15 Ibid. E uso di forme giudeo-romane finché non si ricorre ola d'ordine che guidati,- reti "non dabara" sembra la par centi e smemorati nianza dei giovani imputa alla tortura la testimo su quegli avvenimenti.

    Dattilo riesce a fuggire dal Campidoglio, Ma la storia non fini o qualcuno. Ripreso in aprile, viene nuovamente si sospetta, per aver corrott sata di aver favorito re Caradona di Rieti, accuietà interrogato e, con lui,la mad , prevalentemente la fuga. Ma Caradona non si fida e lo fa andare fuori Roma, a nascondersi e qui è un altro elemento interess ante presso certi "bufalari" che erano amici del padre, ora morto, di Dat tilo. Allo stesso temp o, non sembrano apparire in questo caso.

    Stow h p ghett Di tutt'altro tenore il secondo processo, registrato nel. L lntero proced'lmento è. STOW, Delitto e castigo,. I primi due becchini al tempo del Sacco affermano. Lazzaro da V'Iterbo era stato Incaricato, circa nel ' a suocero trasferI. Bologna' , Fioruccia, che in un primo osta a tortura ritratta to tutto quanto dichiarato da Iacob Sforno, sottop re dal fattore degli Sforno; ogni cosa e dice di essere stata convinta a menti hanno fatto i suoi figli". Dopo Fioruccia, anche Abram a ma poi la riconferma, testimonianza, dopo essere stato sottoposto a tortur corda.

    Italia fudaica VI Micaela Procaccia 92 to è del 12 luglio.

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